Where are the Children?

In its bid to force assimilation on the Aboriginal populations of the country, the Canadian government was incredibly ruthless in trying to wipe out those markers that denote the existence of a particular culture. Across the entire country, the systematic attempt to 'take the Indian out of the child' resulted in permanent losses of language, culture, and identity.

In making apology to the people who were placed in their care, the various church groups that ran the schools indicated that, in addition to the specific individual injuries suffered by the students, there was also "the broader issue of cultural impacts. . . the loss of language through forced English speaking, the loss of traditional ways of being on the land, the loss of parenting skills through the absences of four or five generations of children from Native communities, and the learned behaviour of despising Native identity."

Probably the most significant impact of the residential school system on Aboriginal people is the extensive loss of language that was suffered as a result of assimilation and integration policies. School officials were aware that language was the carrier of culture and that removal of language was the single most significant act the schools would undertake. Only speaking English (or French in Quebec) would result in the desired assimilation.

The schools were not entirely successful in their attempts to erase Aboriginal languages from existence in Canada; however, statistics show that the policies of assimilation did result in significant language losses. For many, the fear of punishment for speaking their Native languages went with them when they left the residential school system. Because students had been so severely punished in school, they lost the desire to retain the languages of their home communities. For many, even if they could still speak the language themselves, they refused to teach it to their own children because of the fear that their children would in some way be punished, as well. The resulting losses, in terms of actual languages and numbers of speakers, are significant.

In 1996, Statistics Canada released the following information regarding Aboriginal language retention:

• During the past 100 years or more, some 10 of Canada's once-flourishing Aboriginal languages have become extinct, and at least a dozen are on the brink.
• As of 1996, only three out of 50 Aboriginal languages - Cree, Inuktitut and Ojibway - had large enough populations to be considered truly secure from the threat of extinction in the long run. This is not surprising in light of the current situation. Of some 800,000 persons who claimed an Aboriginal identity in 1996, only 26% said an Aboriginal language was their mother tongue, and even fewer spoke it at home.
• The three largest language families together represent 93% of persons with an Aboriginal mother tongue. About 147,000 people have Algonquian as mother tongue, the family that includes Cree and Ojibway. Another 28,000 have Inuktitut, and 20,000 have Athabaskan. The remaining eight language families account for 7% of persons with an Aboriginal mother tongue, an indication of these languages' relative size.
• Since a large base of speakers is among the essential factors to ensure long-term viability, the more speakers a language has, the better are its chances of survival. Inuktitut, Cree and Ojibway all boast more than 20,000 people with an Aboriginal mother tongue.
• In contrast, endangered languages rarely have more than a few thousand speakers, and often they have only a few hundred. For instance, the two smallest and weakest language groups, Kutenai and Tlingit, have mother tongue populations of only 120 and 145 respectively.
• Erosion of languages can be difficult to resist if an individual does not have the support of a closely-knit community and is immersed in the language and culture of the dominant society.
• Aboriginal elders, teachers and other leaders are well aware of the gravity of the linguistic situation, however, and are taking steps to preserve indigenous languages. These include such measures as language instruction programs, Aboriginal media programming, and the recording of elders' stories, songs and accounts of history in the Aboriginal language.

Ultimately, the chances that an Aboriginal language will survive depend most upon whether the language is spoken in the home. Unfortunately, this is not the case among many Aboriginal people, particularly those who are living off-reserve. It should come as no surprise, then, that the likelihood of more languages being permanently lost is high.

Beginning in 1884, several west coast groups were banned from practicing their traditional ceremonies, including the Potlatch and the Tamanawas dances. Potlatch was a combination feast, dance, and giveaway that was used to celebrate and mark the events that had significance in the community. The Tamanawas dances were specifically spiritual in nature, dealing with initiations that were contrary to the Christian sensibilities of the government officials. Punishment for participating in these ceremonies carried a jail sentence of between two and six months.

The government was specifically attacking Aboriginal culture. Banning ceremonies represented a direct effort toward the goals of civilization and assimilation. The government did not understand the significance or purpose of the ceremonies; they only feared them. Therefore, they had to be eliminated. However, while the intent of the government was to completely end the incidence of these ceremonies, the actual effect was to drive them underground.

Groups continued to hold potlatch and Tamanawas dances; they just held them in places and at times when they would not be discovered by the government agents. However, many of the government agents were not as opposed to the ceremonies as they were expected to be. Rather, the majority of the concern over the holding of the ceremonies came from the church, because the ceremonies were in direct opposition to their teachings and missionary work.

Additional changes to legislation resulted in the further banning of ceremonies among the Plains people. In particular, dance practices such as the Sundance and the thirst dance were banned outright. In essence, the ban was against the giving away of personal property and the self-inflicted wounds that were a part of some of the ceremonies. The dancing itself was not banned. These additional bans were meant to remove the spiritual component from the ceremonies, leaving them without their intended purpose. Many Indian agents, however, did not stop at banning the giveaways; they tried to stop the dancing, as well.

In 1914, when agricultural exhibitions and fairs began to gain popularity throughout the west, a new amendment was enacted to prevent Aboriginal people from taking part, while in Aboriginal dress, without the permission of the Indian agent. Arrest numbers increased significantly and, in 1981, the actual prosecution of people dancing in regalia at these exhibitions was added to the jurisdiction of the Indian agents. Aboriginal people were encouraged to find alternate forms of recreation and amusement "for this senseless drumming and dancing."

In 1933 the law was amended once again to remove the stipulation about Aboriginal dress. Now arrests could be for anyone caught dancing, regardless of what they were wearing. The government was attempting, by any means, to stop Aboriginal people from dancing.

For individual survivors of the residential school system, language and culture were not the only losses suffered. The loss of self is a prevalent and nearly universal outcome for the former students. As the government and churches were aware, the atmosphere of fear, loneliness, and mistreatment resulted in consequences for the survivors that have left scars that cannot heal. Students left the schools without any type of education, they were untrained for any marketable labour, and they were no longer in tune with their historic way of life.

Not only were the students unable to find a place in either the 'white' world or in the world of their home communities, but they were not really welcome in either. The 'white' community did not want to see Indians working in their towns, taking the jobs of their community members. The Aboriginal communities did not know how to deal with people who came home filled with shame for who they were.

This loss of self resulted in a turn to negative coping mechanisms. Because of this, addictions are the number one health concern for both on and off-reserve Aboriginal people in Canada today. But this is not to say that all residential school survivors have succumbed to the lure of drugs and alcohol. For many, a return to the traditional ways of life has been the saving grace and resiliency has played a substantial role in helping people to bounce back.

There are many survivors whose resilience has allowed them to achieve remarkable happiness and success in their adult lives despite the trauma they experienced during their developmental years.

Resilience is defined as the capacity to spring back from adversity and have a good life outcome despite emotional, mental or physical distress. Resilience is an interplay between risk and a variety of protective factors.

Residential school students encountered multiple risks such as separation from family, stressful experiences, exposure to violence and malnutrition. Protective factors help the individual resist and counteract the risks to which they are exposed. Commonly cited protective factors include intelligence, optimism, self-esteem, positive parent-child attachment and interactions, participation in extra-curricular activities, experiencing a positive event before or after a stressor, detachment from a troubled background as an adult and a positive marital relationship.48 Resilient people are likely to have a variety of coping strategies. Environmental factors may also play a role in protecting children from the trauma they face.

Many survivors report that the years that they spent with their families before going away to residential school were happy and a source of strength for the years to come. Parents, grandparents and other members of the extended family were sometimes able to impart nurturing and life skills before the children were sent to school. While at school children developed support networks; protecting each other, sharing food and secretly conversing in their own languages. Extra-curricular activities such as sports and music helped some students endure their time at school. Others survived by looking forward to the end of the school year and reunions with their families.

Children adopted several coping styles including detachment, re-interpretation, accommodation and resistance.

One of the most common strategies was detachment or the shutting down of one's feelings. Some used humour and laughter to defuse tension and suppress pain. Others cultivated an inner toughness as a means of self-protection.

Another coping strategy was re-interpretation or reinterpreting situations in positive or hopeful ways - for example, thinking optimistically about the future or rationalizing their situations by thinking of reasons why intolerable conditions were acceptable.

Some students felt their best chance of survival was to reach an accommodation with those in positions of power. They cooperated with the authorities to gain special privileges and a measure of control of their lives.

Many survivors describe acts of resistance. One of the most frequently cited acts of resistance was the stealing of fruit, bread, and meat from kitchens or pantries. Students usually had to collaborate with each other to accomplish their missions or become advocates for those younger or more vulnerable than themselves. One of the most dangerous and difficult acts of resistance was running away.

People who are able to deal positively with the residential school legacy and move on with their lives commonly have a variety of resources to draw from. Support from spouses, family members and elders or more formal structures such as healing circles or Alcoholics Anonymous play a critical role in promoting resilience in the survivor. Sharing stories and memories with other survivors is a form of healing that allows the survivor to vocalize feelings and explore the past in a friendly environment. Further education, cultural activities and learning Aboriginal languages also play a role in the healing process. Religious beliefs and spirituality are frequently cited as reasons for current well-being, whether the survivor turns to Aboriginal spiritual traditions or Christianity or to other religions.